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Alles wat u wist en niet wist over het Midden-Oosten. Kijk ook in het archief. Toen Nasr zich ergerde aan het feit dat Freilich de Palestijnen, Arabieren noemde, omdat ze volgens hem afstammelingen waren van de vroegere Filistijnen, kon Freilich daar niet op antwoorden. Jammer, want hij had kunnen bewijzen aan de hand van geschiedenisfeiten dat Nasr ongelijk had. Waarschijnlijk is hij beter in het voeren van een hetze tegen de enige politieke partij die opkomt voor zijn volk, het Vlaams Belang.

Ik had in ieder geval liever een debat gezien met de ervaren professor Dr. Henri Rosenberg dan met Freilich. Kort overzicht: Ca. Steden in volle economische en politieke bloei werden verwoest, bevolkingen uitgemoord of weggevlucht. De Myceense beschaving in Griekenland ging onder en zelfs het machtige Egypte kon zich nauwelijks staande houden. De invallen der zeevolken de Israelis noemden alle zeevolken 'Filistijnen' hielden aan. In v. Aangezien ze hun vrouwen en kinderen meebrachten, hadden ze kennelijk de bedoeling zich in de Nijldelta te vestigen.

Samen met de Tjekker komen zij in Egyptische optekeningen pas voor vanaf de tweede grote aanval van Ramses II op de Zeevolken. Ze staan afgebeeld op de wanden van de tempel in Medinet Habu. Deze farao en zijn opvolger Ramses III gebruikten later contingenten Zeevolken als huurlingen voor stadsgarnizoenen in Palestina. Filistijnen is een benaming die werd gegeven door de joden aan alle zeevolken De autonome Filistijnse stadstaten zouden na de Babylonische inval van Nebukadnezar II verdwijnen en het Filistijnse volk assimileerde geleidelijk in de omringende volkeren.

Toen enkele eeuwen later de Romeinen binnenvielen en de provincia Iudaea inrichtten, waren de Filistijnen als etnische groep reeds opgegaan in andere volkeren. Na de opstand van de Joden onder aanvoering van Bar Kochba en de daaropvolgende repressie en verbanningen, hernoemden de Romeinen het gehele gebied van Judea tot "Palaestina" als een belediging voor de verslagen vijand de Filistijnen waren immers de aartsvijanden van de Joden.

Na de splitsing van het Romeinse rijk in een westelijk en een oostelijk Byzantijns deel en na de ondergang van het westelijke deel eind vierde eeuw, werd het gebied overheerst door de Byzantijnen. Hoewel het mogelijk is dat onder de voorouders van de Palestijnen Filistijnen Europeanen waren, is het onwaarschijnlijk dat alle Palestijnen directe afstammelingen zijn van Filistijnen. Dat betekent dan dat zowel de Arabieren uit andere landen als joden uit andere landen evenveel recht hebben om te wonen in het deel dat door de Britten Trans-Palestina werd genoemd.

Vooraleer u er aan begint, bekijk eerst deze film, dan weet u meteen welke producten u moet boycotten. Some of them have escalated into violent confrontations with counter-demonstrators and the police, and attacks have been launched against Jews in the United States, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Belgium, among other countries. Muslim immigrants are prominent among the anti-Jewish demonstrators, but they are by no means the only participants.

In Europe, indigenous fellow travelers from various political parties take part in the shouting and stone-throwing alongside their keffiyeh-clad immigrant comrades. As far as I can determine, no other Belgian political party actively and openly supports Israel. See a couple of previous posts for more information. Smearing real conservatives as Nazis is a favorite tactic of the Left , and they have never been more successful at it than with Vlaams Belang.

Expo, Blokwatch , and Yelloman all retailed the disinformation to him, and he swallowed it hook, line, and sinker. But recent events demonstrate better than any arguments the true nature of Vlaams Belang. Why, alone among Belgian politicians, would they stand behind the Jews? How could any dedicated anti-Semite possibly vote for them? If there were any justice in the world, Charles Johnson would retract his smears and apologize to Filip Dewinter and Vlaams Belang.

Baron Bodissey is the co-editor of the The Gates of Vienna blog. Several observers have already noted that Professor Khalidi has played with the facts, even to the point of offering outright falsehoods.

ORG has two beautiful articles refuting the good professor. However, missing from his "few essential points" are some other facts which would illuminate the public's knowledge of Gaza and what has been going on. About the Gazans, Professor Khalidi writes that "Most of the people living in Gaza are not there by choice," that they are the descendants of those who lived outside of Gaza and were driven there "by the Israeli Army in However, the fact that they were kept in Gaza for the past 60 years is due to the Arab regimes that have ruled Israel's neighbors since In the wake of Israel's War of Independence, the United Nations was ready to resettle all the Palestinian refugees in other countries.

This would have been similar to the exchange of Greeks and Turks after World War I or the exchange between Hindus, Moslems, and Sikhs in the wake of India's independence from Great Britain and the creation of Pakistan. Initially, Syria, was planning to resettle Palestinian refugees in its northern regions. Palestinians, whenever they have been able to leave their refugee camps, have thrived and made a positive contribution to their new places of residence.

The current prosperity of the Gulf States would not have been possible without the tens of thousands of Palestinians who have gone there. So why haven't the Palestinian refugees been resettled? Because the Arab states have insisted on their repatriation in what is now Israel. The Arab states have been the force keeping them in their camps and in their misery, so they could be used as a weapon against Israel.

They want to keep it as an open sore, as an affront to the United Nations, and as a weapon against Israel. Note that both these statements were made prior to Israel's occupation of Gaza in Israel is still considered to be an occupying power even though it removed its troops and settlers from the strip in As the occupying power, Israel has the responsibility under the Fourth Geneva Convention to see to the welfare of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip.

But still, given the historical context of the occupation, there is more that has to be said. Reading Professor Khalidi, one would think that the occupation of Gaza began in , but it did not. It began in , when Egypt occupied lands that the UN intended for a Palestinian Arab state and in effect annexed them. When Israel took Gaza in , it became a successor occupier, and it is therefore important to examine its record in comparison with the Egyptians.

At the height of the first intifada, Time Magazine noted that Gaza "in was one of the most underdeveloped swatches of land in the world. During the Israeli occupation, the first universities in Gaza were established, while the percentage of children in schools rose far out of proportion to the increase in population. However, the Palestinians seem to think otherwise. As PLO spokesperson Hanan Ashrawi put it, "Those of us who came under Israeli occupation in have languished in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip under a unique combination of military occupation, settler colonization, and systematic oppression.

Rarely has the human mind devised such varied, diverse, and comprehensive means of wholesale brutalization and persecution. One need not have been an admirer of Meir Kahane to see some truth in his comment that toilets cannot buy loyalty or gratitude. Nor do I deny the Gaza Palestinians the right to decide for themselves which occupation, Egypt's or Israel's, was more oppressive or which one more brutal. Certainly the universal Palestinian tendency to demonize the Israelis should come to no surprise.

In the pre-state era, Arab League Musa Alami said of Palestine and the Jews, "I would prefer that the country remain impoverished and barren for another hundred years, until we ourselves are able to develop it on our own. There is, however, one more thing about the Israeli occupation that The Times's readers should keep in mind, and that is that Israel never intended to occupy Gaza for all time.

Immediately after the 6 Day War, Israel announced its intentions to return all occupied territories in exchange for recognition and peace negotiations. When negotiations finally came with Egypt in , Israel tried to hand back Gaza along with the Sinai, but Egypt didn't want it back. At that point the only candidate to take Gaza was the PLO, still openly dedicated to Israel's destruction. With regard to what Professor Khalidi has said about the cease fire and about "war crimes" has been answered adequately elsewhere.

With regard to Israeli attacks on civilians, even the Times is reporting, without embellishment, how Hamas is placing its military installations near hospitals, schools, and residences. The reader will learn how Hamas has taught the civilian population to climb to the roofs of apartment buildings which contain military targets to shield them. However, I would call attention to Professor Khalidi's final paragraph: This war on the people of Gaza isn't really about rockets.

Nor is it about "restoring Israel's deterrence," as the Israeli press might have you believe. Far more revealing are the words of Moshe Yaalon, then the Israeli Defense Forces chief of staff, in "The Palestinians must be made to understand in the deepest recesses of their consciousness that they are a defeated people. There is a valid question as to whether Moshe Yaalon said what he is quoted as saying.

However, the readers of The New York Times must be reminded of what this war is about from the viewpoint of the Palestinians. If you ask them, they will say it's about "ending the occupation. All I ask is that you consider how they define "the occupation" - what is being occupied and who is doing the occupying.

It is plain and open for everyone to see. You can find it stated in the textbooks used in Palestinian schools. It's set out in the curricula of the Palestinian Universities established under Israeli occupation. It's their in the media, and in PA and Hamas publications. And the occupier is not the State of Israel. The occupier is every Jew who lives in what was once the British Mandate of Palestine.

This is the occupation they seek to end. And the readers of The New York Times should not ignore that fact. First, it would be difficult nearly to the point of impossibility, to find Israeli or other Jews who celebrate the deaths of Palestinian civilians. Jews both within and outside of Israel cringe when they see pictures of dead Palestinian men, women, and children in Gaza. For thousands of years at their Passover seders, Jews have removed wine from their cups to ceremonially weep for the Egyptians — their erstwhile slave owners for years — who died during the Jews exodus.

Jews have never stopped weeping for enemies. The opposite is the case with the large majority of Palestinians. It would be quite difficult to find many Palestinians who do not celebrate the deaths of Israeli Jews or non-Israeli Jews. This is not only reflected in Palestinian polls that show majority support for terrorism — and terrorism means killing innocent Jews — it is also reflected in Palestinian media, Palestinian schools, and Palestinian mosques that routinely glorify murderers of Jews, and refer to all Jews as monkeys and the like.

Take for example, Palestinian reaction to the Palestinian terror bombing of a Jerusalem Sbarro pizzeria in which 15 Jews, five of whom were two sets of parents and their children, were murdered and an additional people were injured, some permanently maimed. As reported by the Associated Press, a month later, Palestinian university students opened an exhibition that included a grisly re-enactment of that mass murder.

The students built a replica of the Sbarro pizzeria, with fake blood, splattered pizza, a plastic hand dangling from the ceiling, and a fake severed leg wearing jeans and a bloody black sneaker. The exhibit also includes a large rock in front of a mannequin wearing the black hat, black jacket and black trousers typically worn by fervently-Orthodox Jews. A recording from inside the rock calls out: O believer, there is a Jewish man behind me. Come and kill him, paraphrasing a verse in the Koran.

It became a popular tourist attraction for Palestinians, to which Palestinian parents took their little children. Here's the question: Can anyone even imagine Jews, in Israel or anywhere else on earth — no matter how right-wing they are politically or religiously — doing something analogous to celebrate the death of Palestinian civilians?

I have spoken to Jewish groups on both U. This moral chasm that separates Israel from its enemies, and separates the Jews from their enemies, merely confirms what Hamas repeatedly says about itself: We love death more than the Jews love life. This motto is so true that Hamas not only doesn't weep for dead Israelis, it doesn't weep for dead Palestinians. It uses living Palestinians as human shields and uses dead Palestinians as propaganda.

The moral disequilibrium is such that Jews weep for dead Palestinian far more than Hamas does. The second point to be raised is about perspective. If during World War II, Western news media had reported German and Japanese civilian casualties in the same detail and with the same sympathy they report Palestinian civilian casualties in Gaza, it is doubtful that the Nazis and the Japanese militarists would have lost that war.

Certainly, at the very least, the anti-Nazi, anti-Fascist war effort would have been severely compromised. The analogy is entirely apt. Global file uisage en:Philistines. Captions Scots Add a one-line explanation of what this file represents.

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9 Als zij de grens over gaan naar Bet-Semes, zal het u duidelijk zijn dat de God van Israël dit grote onheil over ons bracht. Als dat niet het geval is en zij keren. Toen gaf de HEERE een geweldige donderbui over de Filistijnen, zodat ze van schrik vluchtten. Israël vervolgde hen tot Bet-kar. Dat betekent: huis van jonge. This file is made available under the Creative Commons CC0 Universal Public Domain Click on a date/time to view the file as it appeared at that time.